Uncategorized - Urban SHADE

Freetown

Freetown is the capital of Sierra Leone and a major port city. During the country’s civil war between 1991 to 2002, about 500,000 farming families were displaced in the country, many of them moving to Freetown, and continued to remain there. The migration accelerated urbanisation compounding infrastructure issues, forcing people to build informal settlements and communities. Much of this urbanisation is unplanned. The road network in the city covers just 5% of the city’s land compared to the recommended 30%. This increases climate-risk vulnerability for an already vulnerable population, especially those living in informal settlements or working in the informal sector. In 2017, flooding and mudslides in Freetown killed more than 500 people. The Urban SHADE project will be working in Susan’s Bay, CKG and Moyiba. Susan’s Bay Susan’s Bay is a coastal settlement in the center of Freetown, which reflects a long history of British colonial rule in Sierra Leone. The settlement is believed to have been named after the wife of one of the British colonial governors in the early twentieth century. Susan’s Bay is a valuable harbour in the city that facilitates interior trade between Freetown residents and traders from coastal towns and villages in the north of Sierra Leone. The community continues to provide an important route for sea transportation of food items, including fruits and vegetables, fish, and firewood from across the Sierra Leone River into Freetown. Most residents, particularly women, are engaged in informal trade, which includes the sale of fish, charcoal, and other food items. Susan’s Bay is a valuable harbour in the city that facilitates interior trade between Freetown residents and traders from coastal towns and villages in the north of Sierra Leone. The community continues to provide an important route for sea transportation of food items, including fruits and vegetables, fish, and firewood from across the Sierra Leone River into Freetown. Most residents, particularly women, are engaged in informal trade, which includes the sale of fish, charcoal, and other food items. Susan’s Bay’s face changed after widespread internal migration during the war. There was rapid informal land reclamation, with houses built on ocean’s banks exposing residents to increased risks of flooding. The settlement is also at a risk of heatwaves and fire incidents. Many houses are largely makeshift with corrugated iron sheet walls, lack good foundations, and are highly clustered, making them vulnerable to damage from yearly flooding and fire incidents. There are no access roads for vehicular entry, which impacts effective service delivery during emergencies, such as fire incidents. The lack of formal land deeds and building permits discourages housing improvement, with the fear of eviction. There is one community health centre delivering primary healthcare services. The overwhelming population and bad experiences with formal health service provision, such as long wait times, high cost, trust issues, and perceived poor quality of care, often make many residents turn to traditional healers or pepe doctors (informal drug sellers) before seeking formal care. Common health conditions include malaria, typhoid, and cold, resulting from poor water sanitation conditions and proximity to the coastline. CKG CKG is in the west of Freetown. It is an abbreviation used to describe a network of small coastal settlements built on the banks of the Congo river known as Crab town, Kolle town and Gray Bush. They are considered one community because of their proximity and similar social and environmental characteristics. It lies close to Kingtom dumpsite, one of the two largest dumpsites in Freetown. The settlement is believed to have started in the early 1970s when the National Stadium was constructed. The nearby vacant land became populated with people working on the construction of the stadium and those seeking livelihood opportunities. As migration to Gray Bush continued into the 1980s, people began to settle in the adjacent low-lying section of CKG called Crab Town, hunting crabs in the crocodile river. The coastal area near the Kingtom landfill was also reclaimed to form the other section of the community known as Kolleh Town. After the civil war, an ensuing migration into Freetown increased overcrowding and congestion in the area. The presence of informal housing structures in waterlogged areas near the Kingtom landfill influences the recurrence of regular flooding and fire hazards, and increased air pollution. The majority of the structures in Crab Town and Kolleh Town are made of corrugated iron sheets, while Gray Bush, sitting on top of Crab Town, largely comprises mud and cement brick structures. Livelihood activities of residents include fishing, small-scale businesses, and scavenging from the Kingtom dumpsite. Like many informal settlements in Freetown, the residents of CKG have limited public provision of good drinking water. Most of the sources are dug wells used for domestic purposes, but are unfit for drinking due to contamination, especially in the rainy season when the community floods. The other risks are heatwaves, and falling rocks and boulders. Limited pipe-borne water connected to the municipal grid is the main source of potable water, although it is also reported to be exposed to contamination in the event of flooding. The community also faces dire sanitation challenges. Residents at Crab town and Kolleh town, along the Congo River connect sewage pipes that empty sludge into the river. The lack of good drainage, poor waste management, and the existence of the Kingtom landfill at Kolleh town further exacerbate exposure of residents to health risks. Moyiba Moyiba is a hillside informal settlement in the east of Freetown, about 5 km from the Central Business District. Established as a farming community in 1929, it was transformed into a quarry in 1966 to support major city infrastructure projects in Freetown, including roads, bridges, the national port and stadium. During the war, the settlement attracted many internally displaced persons and urban residents facing housing difficulties. The area is made of hills and has high levels of deforestation because of house construction and stone mining. (HISTORY) Housing The houses in Moyiba primarily are built with mud-brick walls and corrugated iron sheets, with a few makeshift structures,

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Mombasa

Mombasa Mombasa is one of the oldest cities in Kenya, second only after Nairobi. It is the largest port in East Africa, and also a major tourist destination. Mombasa attracts a lot of workers from different parts of Kenya and other countries in the region, influencing the growth of informal settlements. In Mombasa, about 40 percent of the population lives in slums that occupy only 5 percent of the total land area. Urban SHADE project will work at Tudor Moroto and Matopeni settlements in Mombasa Tudor Moroto Tudor Moroto (‘moroto’ means ‘slum’ in Kiswahili), is located in Island District, a key tourism spot. It is an informal settlement and located on government land. It is said that the area was forested and people made illicit brew and hid it there. Over time, those people staked claim to the land, and started living there and even constructed houses that were rented out. However, no one has a title deed in Tudor Moroto. People who settled here first call themselves “owners”, just by virtue of settling on this land first. The Kenyan government sent bulldozers in 2002 to destroy the houses. Tudor Moroto, where an estimated 11,000 people live, comprises of seven clusters: Paradise, Simitini, KaaChonjo, Bandarini, Kwa Makaa, Maguniani and Mburukenge. The people in the settlement work in informal labour in the tourism industry, as casual labourers, vendors, fisherfolks among others. When the area was first settled, houses had thatched roofs. Over time this transitioned to mud housing and structures are mainly built of iron sheets that are not durable. The area is subject to strong winds, flooding and higher temperatures during summer. The settlement got more and more populated over the decades, with houses being built closer and closer to the sea. The people who live closer to the sea are more vulnerable than others, some even using cement bags filled with sand as the foundation of houses, or reinforcement to protect the houses from high tides. Since the year 2002, residents have continued to face eviction threats from the County government of Mombasa and “land owners”. The communities hesitate to permanently upgrade and build upon the land in fear of being evicted by landowners. They have been advocating for their secure land rights. People use boreholes to source drinking water as well as piped water. There are barely any sanitation facilities, and the majority of people have a sewage pipe directly into the ocean. There is one public toilet provided by the government. Most of the toilets big and small are provided by so-called owners of the houses in the informal settlements, and are a paid service. But the sewer systems are rudimentary. Some of these toilets have pipes throwing sewage in the ocean, while some have just pits that have to be manually cleaned. Most toilets are communally shared among at least five to ten families. The informal settlement has six private clinics providing healthcare services. It does not have any referral hospital (tertiary level) in close proximity. Residents report paying between Ksh. 1,000 (7.75 USD) to 1,500 (11.63 USD) for healthcare services- a significant financial burden given their economic circumstances. There’s several public health facilities around the informal settlements but they are all 30 minutes to 1 hour away. Matopeni “Matopeni” means “muddy areas”. The informal settlement is located near the Kongowea market, perhaps the biggest market within Mombasa Island. Many people who live here work in the market, or in the city. The settlement sits on government land (about 5 acres) managed by the Municipal Council of Mombasa with private players staking claim to the land. Private landowners swooped in on the opportunity of building an informal settlement near the market. Nobody here has a land deed, but about half the people who live here call themselves “owners” while half are renting houses. The residents here too are at high risk of eviction and are involved in contestation over the land from the government as well as the private developers who call themselves “owners”. The settlement is vulnerable to strong winds, droughts, heatwaves, and high temperatures. The poor drainage, and muddy area ensures that the area turns into sludge when it rains, cutting off access to clinics, schools and other critical services during the rains. Many houses are built in multi-family Swahili style with a compound and multiple houses. They have iron sheets for roofs. Residents use boreholes and water kiosks for drinking water. Water kiosks are run by private individuals who provide water for cash. There are a few toilets that are built by the government, but a majority of people here use pit latrines that are not connected to any sewer system. Usually there is a toilet in one multi-family house. There are two dispensaries in the settlement, but most people initially seek healthcare at informal providers. People complain that the dispensary is ill-equipped, and often shuts down because it gets flooded during the rains. Healthcare costs range from Ksh. 100-300, (0.78- 2.33usd). Essential services like vaccinations and ambulance services are unavailable. Because of the poor level of sanitation here diseases such as malaria, cholera, tuberculosis, diarrhea and eye infections are very common.

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Vijayawada

Vijayawada Vijayawada is a city in the southern state of Andhra Pradesh. It is also known as Bezawada, and was developed into a municipality in 1888. It is the second most populous district in Andhra Pradesh state. The city is fast growing, and attracts working class labourers. In Vijayawada, the Urban SHADE project will be working in the informal settlements of New Raja Rajeshwari Peta, and Vambay colony. Vambay Colony Vambay Colony is a low-income resettlement neighborhood in Vijayawada for those displaced from informal settlements along riverbanks, canals and flood prone areas of the city. It was established in the early 2000s under the Valmiki Ambedkar Awas Yojana (VAMBAY) and later linked with Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) housing schemes. The colony has grown beyond the government-built buildings and has informally built houses built around these buildings. Despite resettlement efforts, the houses have structural vulnerabilities. More than 1200 households who live here have socio-economic challenges. Residents experience recurring difficulties in accessing clean water, sanitation, healthcare, and protection from extreme weather events. The engagement of the Urban SHADE team with Vambay colony started with the ARISE (Accountability and Responsiveness in Informal Settlements for Equity) Project, which focused on vector-borne disease monitoring and health interventions among waste-picking communities. The residents of this colony are from vulnerable lowered caste/Dalit, tribe and minority groups. Many households have second- or third-generation migrants from Andhra Pradesh’s Guntur, Krishna, and Prakasam districts who came in search of work in the city. Men mostly work as daily wage laborers, construction workers, carpenters, auto-rickshaw drivers, or sanitation workers, while women engage in domestic work, ragpicking, or tailoring. Children sometimes assist in waste collection or vending. Household incomes range from ₹5,000 to ₹10,000 per month, often fluctuating seasonally during summer and monsoon periods. Their income is seasonal and sensitive to environmental shocks, limiting economic security and social mobility. Limited access to formal banking and credit increases dependence on Self-Help Groups (SHGs) and local moneylenders, often at high interest rates which increases debt, heightening residents’ vulnerability to floods, heatwaves, and public health crises like COVID-19. The government-provided housing are three storied apartment blocks. The blocks are showing signs of deterioration. Many people have modified their homes by using tin or asbestos sheets, or cement work. Some have even created upper floors or small extensions. Tenure is a major concern. Although residents were relocated nearly two decades ago, they still lack formal title deeds (house registrations/house pattas). In February 2024, the residents protested for proper registrations of their houses, some even going on hunger strike. Without legal ownership, many feel they cannot claim full rights over their homes or land, feel insecure about eviction, and cannot easily access credit or make improvements. The houses are not very well maintained. Residents report damp walls, cracked pipelines, leaking roofs, especially during rains. The pipelines that supply drinking water also have leakages, complain residents. The community is exposed to extreme heat during the summer. The Vambay colony houses trap heat and cause indoor heat stress. The elderly, children, and outdoor workers are particularly vulnerable and report dizziness, fatigue and dehydration during the summer. Very few households have fans or coolers, and frequent power cuts worsen the situation. The colony is located at the western periphery of the city, adjacent to the Budameru rivulet floodplain. This rivulet has acquired the title “Sorrow of Vijayawada” because of its propensity to flood the city. The proximity to Badameru increases the risk of floods whenever intense rainfall or upstream inflows push Badameru beyond capacity. While post-flood drainage improvements have begun under “Operation Budameru,” internal drainage within the colony remains insufficient. In 2024, more than 30 persons died in a major flood in NTR district where Vijayawada is located. The flood covered more than 40 percent of the city including Vambay colony. During these floods, homes were submerged, families displaced to relief camps, and livelihoods disrupted. There were outbreaks of water borne and vector borne diseases after the floods. The residents say that emergency responses by disaster-relief teams were delayed and that they relied on their own informal networks to evacuate. While there is a city-wide disaster management plan, Vambay colony needs a local ward disaster management committee, community level evacuation plans, or first responder training for residents. The residents are rarely included in any municipal planning initiatives. Water and Sanitation The water supply is irregular. Piped networks, borewells, and standposts managed by the municipal authorities deliver water once every 2–3 days. Households store water in drums and buckets. Sanitation is inadequate. Open drains overflow during rainfall, mixing sewage with stormwater, which facilitates the spread of vector-borne and waterborne diseases such as dengue, chikungunya, and diarrhoea. Community toilets exist but are poorly maintained, and women report safety concerns after dark. Garbage collection is irregular, with accumulated waste often blocking drains, worsening floods. Infrastructure The internal roads and inner lanes are mostly narrow, unpaved, or partially paved. Informal extensions of structures have reduced the width of the roads here. During the monsoons, these roads become waterlogged, muddy, and slippery making it difficult to navigate especially for the elderly people and children. The narrow roads affect people’s ability to reach work, schools, or health facilities. Because of narrow lanes and encroachments, ambulance or emergency vehicle entry is constrained, particularly in inner stretches. Public transport connectivity is limited which forces residents to primarily depend on share-autos, two-wheelers, and bicycles for commuting. The combination of irregular transport services and poor road conditions adds time, cost, and risk to everyday travel, particularly for low-income households relying on hourly wages. Health and Access to Services While the nearest Urban Primary Health Centre (UPHC) is inside the community, residents complain about unavailability of staff and delay in care. The residents say they rely more on private formal and informal clinics, pharmacies. The residents are vulnerable to waterborne diseases, such as diarrhoea or cholera, vector-borne diseases such as dengue or malaria, respiratory illnesses (possibly due to pollution near garbage sites), heat related stress and ailments,